Passzivizálási művelet a magyarban
The article provides an analysis of the Hungarian predicative verbal adverbial construction, which may include adverbials derived from transitive as well as intransitive verbs, but there are also unacceptable cases in both types. The “transitive type” is like a passive form in that it includes the o...
Elmentve itt :
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| Dokumentumtípus: | Könyv része |
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JATE Magyar Nyelvészeti Tanszék
Szeged
1996
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| Sorozat: | A mai magyar nyelv leírásának újabb módszerei
2 |
| Kulcsszavak: | Nyelvészet - magyar |
| Tárgyszavak: | |
| Online Access: | http://acta.bibl.u-szeged.hu/54244 |
| Tartalmi kivonat: | The article provides an analysis of the Hungarian predicative verbal adverbial construction, which may include adverbials derived from transitive as well as intransitive verbs, but there are also unacceptable cases in both types. The “transitive type” is like a passive form in that it includes the original transitive verb's object marked with Not whereas the original subject is not present. The “intransitive type”, however, does not look like the result of some kind of passivization: there is no subject deletion, and the original intransitive verb has no (surface) object at all (de Groot 1995). The intransitive type does not resemble even impersonal passive constructions (e. g. in Norwegian) where the original subject is deleted. Nevertheless, the straightforward analogy of the two types and the argument structure change in the transitive type, typical of passivization, have led me to the conclusion that the two verbal adverbial types are to be assigned a single common “passivization” rule. I demonstrate that such a rule can be formulated in hierarchical thematic theories, like that of LFG (Bresnan Kanervá 1989) and Model Tau (1994). This approach, furthermore, yields a crosslinguistic theory of (normál “transitive” and extended “intransitive”) passivization types, and promises the predictability of their divergent semantic properties. |
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| Terjedelem/Fizikai jellemzők: | 7-46 |
| ISBN: | 978-963-306-001-8 |